Op-ed: A contested UNSC race with Tajikistan tests India's standing with the Global South
In one line: An op-ed in The Hindu (16 October 2026) argues that India's contest with Tajikistan for a 2028-29 UNSC seat tests whether India can balance its ambitions with solidarity among developing countries.
Published 16 October 2026. Written by Pratidin from the reports linked at the end; every fact checked by a separate review before publishing. How we work
An opinion article in The Hindu on 16 October 2026 examines India's bid for a non-permanent seat on the UN Security Council for 2028-29. The election is due in June 2027, and India faces a contest with Tajikistan for the Asia-Pacific seat. Because a candidate needs a two-thirds majority of members present and voting, India would need at least 129 votes if all 193 UN General Assembly members vote. The author notes that Tajikistan had announced its candidacy earlier and had been expected to be the group's consensus choice.
India has served eight terms: 1950-51, 1967-68, 1972-73, 1977-78, 1984-85, 1991-92, 2011-12 and 2021-22. It usually wins as a consensus candidate, taking 187 votes in 2010 and 184 in 2020, but it lost contested elections to Pakistan in 1975 and Japan in 1996. India's case, as the article sets out, is that COVID-19 disrupted its 2021-22 term and that it wants to push counter-terrorism and UN reform before 2029. The author argues that India's size and experience do not guarantee victory, that its repeated terms could count against it, and that Tajikistan can present itself as the voice of countries that have never served. Tajikistan is said to have support from Central Asian states and the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC).
The article lays out three options: contest the election, persuade Tajikistan to withdraw (as Kazakhstan did in 2010 and Afghanistan in 2013 to clear India's path), or withdraw India's own bid and seek Tajikistan's support for a later election. It notes that meetings between Indian and Tajik leaders in September 2026 produced no withdrawal, and that Tajikistan once hosted Indian facilities at Ayni and Farkhor. The author suggests that stepping aside could show restraint and win credibility with the Global South, though it could also be seen as a setback. The larger goal, the article argues, is permanent membership of a reformed Council, not another temporary seat.
Prelims facts
- The election for UNSC non-permanent seats for 2028-29 is due in June 2027; India and Tajikistan are contesting the Asia-Pacific seat.
- A candidate needs two-thirds of members present and voting: 129 votes if all 193 members vote.
- India has served eight non-permanent terms, most recently 2021-22, and lost contested elections in 1975 (to Pakistan) and 1996 (to Japan).
- Under Article 23 of the UN Charter, non-permanent members serve two-year terms and a retiring member is not eligible for immediate re-election.
- The op-ed argues that India's long-term aim is a permanent seat in a reformed Council, and that winning trust among developing nations may matter more than one election.
Quick recall
- When is the election for the 2028-29 UNSC non-permanent seats?
- June 2027.
- Who is India's rival for the Asia-Pacific seat for 2028-29?
- Tajikistan.
- How many votes does a candidate need if all 193 members vote?
- 129, a two-thirds majority.
- How many non-permanent terms has India served?
- Eight; the latest was 2021-22.
- Which contested UNSC elections did India lose?
- 1975 to Pakistan and 1996 to Japan.
- When was the Security Council expanded from 11 to 15 members?
- 1965, its only expansion.
- Which countries stepped aside for India's 2011-12 and 2021-22 terms?
- Kazakhstan (2010) and Afghanistan (2013).
- Which Article of the UN Charter governs elected members?
- Article 23.
Prelims practice question
Consider the following statements about elections to the UN Security Council:
1. Non-permanent members are elected by the General Assembly for two-year terms.
2. A retiring non-permanent member is eligible for immediate re-election.
3. A candidate needs a two-thirds majority of members present and voting, even if unopposed.
Which of the statements given above are correct?
- 1 and 2 only
- 1 and 3 only
- 2 and 3 only
- 1, 2 and 3
Show answer
Answer: (b) 1 and 3 only. 1 and 3 are correct. 2 is incorrect: Article 23 of the UN Charter bars a retiring non-permanent member from immediate re-election.
Use this in UPSC Mains: previous-year questions
Recurring theme: India and the UN Security Council: elections, reform and the permanent-seat ambition
Discuss the impediments India is facing in its pursuit of a permanent seat in UNSC.
How to use thisUse the India-Tajikistan contest to illustrate how equitable-representation politics and bloc voting complicate India's path to a permanent seat.
- For the 2028-29 term India faces Tajikistan, reportedly backed by Central Asian states and the OIC, and needs 129 of 193 votes.
- India has won eight terms but lost contested races to Pakistan (1975) and Japan (1996), showing support is not automatic.
- India's eight past terms could count against it, as Tajikistan presents itself as the voice of states that have never served.
The op-ed links India's bid to the stalled reform of a Council where the veto blocks action on Ukraine and Gaza.
Mains practice question
Frequent non-permanent terms strengthen India's case for a permanent seat, but contests with smaller states carry diplomatic costs. Discuss with reference to India's bid for the 2028-29 UN Security Council term. (250 words)
Model answer
India seeks a ninth non-permanent UNSC term for 2028-29, with the election due in June 2027, but faces a contest with Tajikistan for the Asia-Pacific seat.
How terms help India's claim
- Eight terms (most recently 2021-22) show sustained contribution, as Article 23 of the UN Charter asks of candidates.
- Wide margins (187 votes in 2010, 184 in 2020) signal broad support.
- Terms let India shape agendas on counter-terrorism and reformed multilateralism.
The diplomatic costs of a contest
- India needs 129 of 193 votes; contested races are uncertain, as losses to Pakistan (1975) and Japan (1996) show.
- India's repeated terms could count against it; Tajikistan can present itself as the voice of countries that have never served.
- Tajikistan reportedly has Central Asian and OIC backing; India risks appearing to crowd out a smaller Global South partner.
- Tajikistan matters strategically, having hosted Indian facilities at Ayni and Farkhor.
Options
- Contest and campaign in Africa, Latin America and South Asia, which may decide the result.
- Negotiate Tajikistan's withdrawal, as Kazakhstan (2010) and Afghanistan (2013) did.
- Step aside in return for Tajik support later, showing restraint.
Way forward
- Weigh the cost and benefit of another term against the larger goal of permanent membership.
- Deepen engagement with developing countries on climate justice, food security and development finance.
As the op-ed argues, building trust among developing nations may serve India's permanent-seat ambition better than winning a single election.
The basics
Why this matters
The UN Security Council is the only UN body whose decisions bind all member states. India has long sought a permanent seat and has served often as an elected member. A contested race for 2028-29 raises a question UPSC likes: how should a rising power balance its ambitions with solidarity among developing countries?
Who sits on the Council
- 15 permanent membersChina, France, Russia, the UK and the US, each holding a veto on substantive matters
- 210 non-permanent membersElected by the General Assembly for two-year terms, five each year
- 3Regional seatsAllocated among African, Asia-Pacific, Latin American and Caribbean, Eastern European, and Western European and Other groups
The Council grew from 11 to 15 members in 1965, its only expansion. The rules for elected members are in Article 23 of the UN Charter.
How an election works
- 1Regional groupThe Asia-Pacific Group tries to agree on a 'clean slate' of candidates.
- 2Secret ballotThe General Assembly votes in June, a practice adopted in 2016.
- 3Two-thirds ruleA candidate needs two-thirds of members present and voting, 129 if all 193 vote.
- 4Repeated roundsIf no one reaches two-thirds, voting continues round after round.
- 5Term beginsWinners take their seats on 1 January for two years.
Deadlocks are possible: in 1979 Cuba and Colombia stayed deadlocked for over 150 rounds before Mexico was chosen. Read more in Non-permanent seats and regional groups.
India's record
- 1950-51First term
- 1975Loses a contested election to Pakistan
- 1991-92Sixth term
- 1996Loses a contested election to Japan
- 2011-12Seventh term after Kazakhstan steps aside; 187 votes
- 2021-22Eighth term after Afghanistan steps aside; 184 votes
The dilemma
India's terms help its case for a permanent seat in a reformed Council (see Security Council reform and the G4). But a fight with a smaller state can look like a big power crowding out the Global South. India-Tajikistan relations add a strategic layer.
- Chance to push counter-terrorism and UN reform before 2029
- Makes up for a COVID-disrupted 2021-22 term
- Keeps India visible in Council decisions
- Shows restraint and solidarity with smaller states
- Preserves ties with a strategically placed partner
- Could earn Tajik support for a later bid
Go deeper
Why it matters for UPSC
UNSC structure, election rules and India's record are standard Prelims material. The bid also feeds Mains questions on UN reform and India's permanent-seat claim.
The core idea
Non-permanent members are elected under Article 23 of the UN Charter, with seats shared among Non-permanent seats and regional groups. India usually wins as a consensus candidate, but this time Tajikistan is also standing. The author argues that India's real aim is a permanent seat, pursued through Security Council reform and the G4, and that defeating a smaller partner could cost goodwill. India-Tajikistan relations add a strategic reason for care.
Numbers and dates to remember
- June 2027: election for the 2028-29 term.
- 129: votes needed if all 193 members vote.
- 8: India's non-permanent terms (latest 2021-22).
- 1975 and 1996: India's contested-election losses (to Pakistan and Japan).
- 187 (2010) and 184 (2020): India's vote counts in its last two wins.
- 1965: Council expanded from 11 to 15.
Where to go next
- Article 23 of the UN Charter: the rules for elected members.
- Non-permanent seats and regional groups: how seats are shared and contested.
- Security Council reform and the G4: India's bid for a permanent seat.
- India-Tajikistan relations: why the rival matters to India.
Go deeper: win the seat or win the trust?
The case for contesting. India's 2021-22 term was disrupted by COVID-19, and the government wants to use another term to push counter-terrorism and reformed multilateralism before 2029. India's population, economy and Council experience are strengths. It expects backing from Western, Southeast Asian, Caribbean and Pacific island countries. Elected terms keep India visible and support its claim under Security Council reform and the G4.
The case for caution. The op-ed points out that India's repeated terms could count against it. Tajikistan reportedly has Central Asian and OIC backing, and Africa, South America and South Asia could swing the result. The two-thirds rule under Article 23 of the UN Charter makes contested races unpredictable, as India's 1975 and 1996 losses show. India's close ties with Israel may also cost votes among countries critical of Israeli policy, the author argues.
Middle paths. Past practice in Non-permanent seats and regional groups offers precedents: Kazakhstan in 2010 and Afghanistan in 2013 stepped aside for India, and Italy and the Netherlands split the 2017-18 term. India could also withdraw in exchange for Tajik support later, protecting India-Tajikistan relations. The op-ed concludes that building trust among developing nations may matter more than winning one election.
Article 23 of the UN Charter
The rules for elected members.
In one line: Article 23 sets the composition of the Security Council: five named permanent members and ten non-permanent members elected by the General Assembly.
What it says
The Charter names China, France, the Soviet Union (now Russia), the UK and the US as permanent members. Non-permanent members are elected for two-year terms, and a retiring member is not eligible for immediate re-election. In electing them, the Assembly is to pay due regard to their contribution to international peace and security and to equitable geographical distribution.
Why it matters for India
India cites its contributions, including to peacekeeping, to meet the first test. Tajikistan, for its part, can present itself as the voice of smaller states that have never served on the Council.
Where to go next
Non-permanent seats and regional groups
How seats are shared and contested.
In one line: The ten elected seats are shared among regional groups: three for Africa, two for Asia-Pacific, two for Latin America and the Caribbean, two for Western Europe and Others, and one for Eastern Europe.
How groups choose
Each group tries to agree on a 'clean slate', one candidate per seat, so that the General Assembly vote is a formality. When two candidates stand for one seat, the race goes to repeated secret ballots until one gets two-thirds. Since 2016 the elections are held in June, and terms begin on 1 January.
When things go wrong
In 1979 Cuba and Colombia were deadlocked for over 150 rounds before Mexico was chosen as a compromise. Italy and the Netherlands split the 2017-18 term, one year each. India has twice benefited from rivals stepping aside: Kazakhstan in 2010 and Afghanistan in 2013.
Where to go next
Security Council reform and the G4
India's bid for a permanent seat.
In one line: India, with Brazil, Germany and Japan (the G4), seeks an expanded Security Council with new permanent members, arguing that the 1945 structure no longer reflects today's world.
The case for reform
The five permanent members and their veto often block collective action, as seen in Ukraine and Gaza. Africa has no permanent member, and large democracies like India are outside the permanent group. Reform needs a Charter amendment, approved by two-thirds of the General Assembly and ratified by two-thirds of members, including all five permanent members.
Why elected terms matter
Each non-permanent term gives India a record to point to, such as its chairing of counter-terrorism bodies and its December 2022 presidency focused on reformed multilateralism. The op-ed argues that winning trust among developing countries is as important for reform as any single term.
Where to go next
India-Tajikistan relations
Why the rival matters to India.
In one line: Tajikistan, a Central Asian state bordering Afghanistan, has been a quiet but important security partner for India.
Strategic ties
During the Afghan conflict, Tajikistan hosted Indian facilities at Ayni and Farkhor, India's rare foothold in Central Asia. Both countries share concerns about terrorism and instability in Afghanistan, and Tajikistan is part of India's wider Central Asia outreach.
Why the UNSC race is delicate
The op-ed notes that meetings between Indian and Tajik leaders in September 2026 did not produce a withdrawal. Defeating Tajikistan could strain a useful relationship, while stepping aside could earn Tajik support for a later Indian bid.
Where to go next
Take the 16 October 2026 quiz: 24 Prelims-style questions with answers